By K. Harvey
Looking at nationwide peace firms along lesser-known protest collectives, this booklet argues that anti-nuclear activists encountered known demanding situations universal to different social hobbies of the past due 20th century.
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Extra info for American Anti-Nuclear Activism, 1975–1990: The Challenge of Peace
Through her work in Boston MFS, she moved to New York in early 1982 to take up a key role in the June 12 Coalition. 81 As MFS personnel played a major role in coordinating the June 12 demonstration, their radical leadership exerted what other activists considered undue inﬂuence on the event and its planning. Some WRL members complained that “a number of small leftist sects” within the June 12 Coalition were intent on keeping the focus on the United States and not promoting disarmament elsewhere in the world.
As its national coordinator, Reverend Robert Moore, wrote in 1981: We must deal with all manifestations of the Bomb . . if we are to reach people where these survival issues directly touch their lives. 60 The task, for like-minded radicals, was obvious: a broad movement dedicated to opposing the nuclear menace in its myriad forms was needed. It would deﬁne itself by its refusal to be co-opted by politics, by sectarianism, and by its willingness to include a vast array of constituencies, each affected by the multi-pronged reach of the nuclear industry.
80 Cagan, a New York radical, had been exposed to socialist thought in her youth through her parents. A “red diaper baby,” she soon embraced radical feminism and anti-war activism in the 1960s, broadening her concerns to feminism and gay rights in the 1970s. Through her work in Boston MFS, she moved to New York in early 1982 to take up a key role in the June 12 Coalition. 81 As MFS personnel played a major role in coordinating the June 12 demonstration, their radical leadership exerted what other activists considered undue inﬂuence on the event and its planning.